Sikela notes that after the "dismantling" of US development aid under the Trump administration, the EU's share "might even increase". He adds that "there is no other way round, because instability and problems on the neighbouring continent do not know borders. So if we do not help to strengthen the economies of the countries in the (African) neighbourhood, we are basically creating problems for ourselves. So I don't see this as aid. This is a geopolitical strategy. Because if we create jobs, if we create sustainable development – something where Europe is the world champion by far – we will also strengthen our resilience. This is also about multilateralism and about investing in Europe's future. We can contribute to the fight against the climate change, and we can also get the access to the mineral resources that we need for the climate and the digital transition."

So is the EU exploiting the mineral resources of African countries? Is there a kind of neo-colonialism happening?

"We work with a 360-degree approach," Sikela replies. "We talk to the government, but we also onboard the local NGOs, and civil society. For example, the Lobito corridor (linking Zambia, DR Congo and Angola): this is not just about the 1,300 kilometres of the railway. This is about the whole ecosystem. This is about the sustainable agriculture. This is about the financing of the SMEs. This is about creating the opportunities for local people along the whole route."

Sikela has been closely involved with the Arctic Forum, and with updating the EU's Arctic strategy. Was Iceland's vote not to restart accession talks with the EU a missed opportunity ?

"We respect this decision," Sikela answers. "Iceland is a very strong ally and will remain a very strong ally of the European Union. It is a member of NATO and a member of Schengen. Our approach is to let the people decide their own destiny. And this is the same approach we want to have in Greenland. We want to help Greenland to become stronger, to restructure their economy, to strengthen sustainable tourism, to invest in transit routes, in digitalisation, in connectivity. And of course to get access to the critical raw materials in this area. All this is not possible without investing in the people of Greenland because of course they should be the executors of this transformation."

Sikela sees a potential win-win in which the EU helps Arctic territories to develop and at the same time "Europe protects its own interests by partnering with the Arctic states, and also protects the infrastructure which is being built, because hybrid war is about attacking critical infrastructure".

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Florine Hausfater

There is now also a Franco-German idea to overhaul the EU's diplomatic service.

We discuss these issues with prominent German Green MEP Hannah Neumann and former Estonian foreign minister Urmas Paet.

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Florine Hausfater

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz

Cancellations, delays and unventilated trains… Europe’s recent heatwave exposed some of the weaknesses of the bloc’s rail network. Despite ageing tracks and rolling stock, EU Transport Commissioner Apostolos Tzitzikostas insists the system is improving.

He says the Commission has carried out an assessment to identify which parts of the network require further upgrades and which are already resilient enough to cope with increasingly extreme weather. But he acknowledges that much more investment will be needed “to make sure we are ready for what is coming, because the climate crisis is here and it’s getting worse”.

As the EU encourages Europeans to switch to more sustainable forms of transport, particularly rail, Tzitzikostas argues that the case for doing so now extends beyond climate concerns.

“It’s not only about the environment anymore. It is about the environment, of course, but it is also about our strategic independence.”

He points to the disruption in the Strait of Hormuz as an example of Europe's vulnerability to global energy shocks.

“It showed the world what it means to be dependent on third countries for energy.”

For the Commissioner, the long-term answer is to increase the production of alternative fuels within the EU.

Air travel was also hit by a surge in jet fuel prices following the disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, pushing up air fares. Tzitzikostas says Europe did not face a supply shortage but a price shock.

“We don’t have an issue of supply, but we have an issue of price.”

He argues that Europe's ability to produce around 70% of the jet fuel it consumes, combined with more diversified imports, helped cushion the impact of reduced supplies through the Strait of Hormuz.

As for air fares, he expects prices to fall once a lasting agreement between the United States and Iran restores normal shipping through the Strait.

While the EU has little control over airline ticket prices, it has made progress on passengers' rights. After more than a decade of negotiations, Tzitzikostas says Europe “will finally have a set of rules for passengers’ rights that is fair, that is just, that is very supportive of the passengers.”

Among the changes, parents will be guaranteed seats next to their children at no extra cost, passengers will no longer lose the return leg of their journey if they miss the outbound flight, and airlines will have to include the cost of hand luggage in the ticket price.

For Tzitzikostas, however, the biggest achievement is greater legal clarity. “So people know what they are entitled to and how they can obtain compensation.”

The new rules are due to take effect next summer, giving airlines time to adapt.

Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero, Loic Chalavon and Oihana Almandoz

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz

On the country’s pro-EU path, Sandu tells Caroline de Camaret that, “despite the massive interference of the Kremlin in Moldova's elections, Moldovans managed to decide for themselves and they chose the EU as their future, because the EU means peace. And since Russia's invasion in Ukraine, we see Russia's aggression better. We understand the risks that are coming from Moscow. And the EU is known as the most successful peace project. The EU would also allow us to consolidate as a democracy, and it is very important for us to remain part of the free world. And of course, the EU is known as the family of countries which have managed to increase significantly the living standards of their populations.”

Sandu adds a note of caution.  “We hope that the member states will recognise our effort, and that the merit-based process will lead us to EU accession,” she says. “We want full membership, but we are ready to discuss any proposals that do not replace the full membership and that do not delay the EU integration process.”

On the economic situation, Sandu says that the war in Ukraine has “significantly affected the Moldovan economy.” Continuing, she explains: “Despite this hardship, we managed to implement significant reforms. We managed to eliminate completely our dependency on Russian gas. We invested a lot in renewables. Now, because of the war in Iran, the GDP forecast for this year is slower, but we hope to recover and we are compensating with reforms. Reforms in the justice sector, reforms in the business environment. Indeed, there is now this €1.9 billion growth plan supported by the European Union. And we do have opportunities. Energy continues to be one of the biggest opportunities for investors. The investment in infrastructure, big infrastructure projects, some of them co-financed by EU. The IT sector has been developing very rapidly in Moldova and represents an opportunity. Agro-processing, defence – these are all areas which might be very interesting to foreign investors.”

On the breakaway region of Transnistria, Maia Sandu tells de Camaret that “Russia has provoked the war in 1992, and Russia has been supporting a separatist regime all these years. But now Russia has left the people in the Transnistrian region without heating and electricity, two winters ago. And this just proves that you can't rely on Russia. More and more people from the left Bank of Nistru, as you said, are coming for jobs. They are asking for more support from the rest of the country. And yes, we do believe that there might be an opportunity soon enough to reintegrate the country of Moldova.”

Moldova speeds up its membership process to the EU:

With Moldova having just opened the first chapter of negotiations with the European Union, its government, European representatives and businesses gathered in Chisinau for the first EU-Moldova investment conference. Its aim is to raise funds to help the economy grow and meet EU standards. These funds are conditional on domestic structural reforms including Moldova's commitment to fight against corruption. Nevertheless, the European future envisioned by Moldovan President Maia Sandu remains hampered by a hybrid war driven by Russian influence. 

France 24's Isabelle Romero Reports.

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Alix Le Bourdon, Perrine Desplats and Iris Pichon

It's therefore an opportune moment to talk to the European Commissioner in charge of energy and housing, Dan Jorgensen, alongside a report on the issue from our correspondent Alix Le Bourdon. Jorgensen is a Danish social democrat, and he was previously minister of climate, energy and public utilities in the Danish government.

We begin with the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the US and Iran, and what that means for the energy crisis in Europe.

"We very much hope that this will lead to a lasting peace," Jorgensen remarks. "And at the same time we are obviously very aware that, if that happens, that's not the same as saying that we'll be back to normal from one day to the next. It will take months to rebuild what's been destroyed in the infrastructure giving us oil. It will take even longer in the gas infrastructure, probably years."

Watch moreUS-Iran deal: Key questions remain over status of Strait of Hormuz

On how the EU has weathered this energy storm overall, Jorgensen is cautiously upbeat.

"I think there's a consensus that we are much better at dealing with a crisis like this than we were in 2022," he asserts. "Yes, we have had a price shock. Yes, it has hurt industry and citizens. But not as badly as it would have, had we not done the things that we've done since 2022, which is to deploy more renewables, become more energy efficient and diversify our supply chains. It's very clear that there's a consensus now that we really cannot risk getting into these situations again and again."

Jorgensen goes on: "I do think that most member states realise that treating a crisis like this by subsidising fossils is like trying to treat a patient that has diabetes by giving the patient sugar. It will not solve any problems. So yes, I do have understanding towards those member states who had to do something in the short term. But we also do need to all agree that, in the future, what really will help us is becoming more energy efficient and deploying more renewables as fast as possible."

But going beyond words, isn't it time for the EU to set a binding timetable for phasing out coal, oil and gas?

"Well, we do actually have a pretty rigid system of different targets and objectives in the European Union," Jorgensen replies. "Some will even argue that it's too ambitious. I'm not on that team. But remember the Green Deal. It is not only still in place; we're actually now supplementing it with new targets. So the 2040 target with 90 percent reductions will mean that we will phase out these fossils fuels very fast, especially in our energy system. Now, is it going fast enough? I don't think so. But it is going quite fast. Let me give you a few numbers. Last year we deployed almost 90GW (gigawatts) of new renewables. 90GW. That's enough to supply 90 million homes with electricity. It's almost as much as the collected production of nuclear electricity. Solar is moving fast. Electric vehicles are booming right now in the sales. And we will also present a new electrification plan very soon."

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero and Oihana Almandoz

We begin by asking Hoekstra if the EU is being more proactive in learning lessons from the current energy crisis than it has been in the past.

"I think, in all honesty, the jury is out," Hoekstra replies. "This crisis will take longer and we are still calibrating and improving our response. But it is crystal clear that, if you look at all the previous crises, in hindsight, we should have done more. We should have done more in the domains of renewables, in terms of electrification, in terms of nuclear, because that would have saved us at least partially from the problems we're currently having."

Is the crisis an opportunity to press home the green transition and energy independence?

"There is a potential silver lining," Hoekstra answers. "But at the same time, I can very much understand that when viewers are watching and they're seeing their energy prices going up, the last thing they want to hear is politicians talking about, 'Well, hey, this is a great opportunity for you!'"

He continues: "What is of course true is that whether you do it for climate, for competitiveness, or for independence, the answer of more clean, homegrown, cheap European energy, that is what we need. It works for solving the climate problem. It will finally give us lower prices for our consumers and our industry. And it basically ends this geopolitical nightmare of being so responsible in the domain of energy. It was probably always off the mark to think about energy as just a market. It is a matter of national and European security, and that is the way it should be treated."

We point out that the EU's 2030 target for reducing CO2 emissions is an overarching goal, while EU member states have their own national goals. Is the divergence in levels of ambition a problem?

"No, as long as you have the same minimum bar and that is the one we have set," Hoekstra replies. "And some countries are doing phenomenally well overall. For example, if you look at how Denmark and Sweden have been doing, that is absolutely amazing. Others are doing very well in specific domains. For example, France is one of the absolute leaders in nuclear and therefore also in electrification, which has a huge upside for those consuming the electricity. Others are doing a phenomenal job in renewables. So the name of the game here is: let's make sure the minimum bar is being made by everyone."

Hoekstra goes on: "And something we can (also) do at a European level is to have the same scenarios on what temperatures are going to be like and what that demands from policymakers. This might sound like an abstract thing, but it is hugely important to have the same understanding of what is happening and how that will affect our society."

We ask Hoekstra about the controversial idea of EU countries using international carbon credits from 2036 and counting those towards their own C02 reduction targets.

"I stand by that proposal," Hoekstra says. "We are the amongst the most ambitious globally. I don't know any other geography of our size and economic importance that does the same as Europe in terms of a 90 percent ambition for 2040. Full stop. And then I think it is also fair to allow for at least a bit of flexibility into the system, which does not mean lowering the bar. Because the logic of these credits is cost-effectiveness. The vast majority of things we need to do (will be) on European soil. But then allowing ourselves to – if that is cost-effective and only if – to then do a bit of the work outside of Europe, I think is actually a smart thing. Climate change doesn't discriminate. It just matters how many things we pump into the air, how many emissions we have. And if we can actually drive things down in Europe, but also in other places, that is in essence a very good thing."

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats and Aline Bottin. 

They have also questioned the nature of EU deals with third countries, as well as the workability and fairness of the so-called "return hubs" for migrants.

We debate the issue with two MEPs from opposing sides of the political spectrum.

Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz and Isabelle Romero

Find out more about the work of the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE).

He has pledged to continue on the country's pro-European path, following Bulgaria’s entry into the Eurozone in January. But he has also called for pragmatism from the EU towards Russia, and a restoration of dialogue with Moscow – that has raised a few eyebrows in other European capitals. We welcome the new Bulgarian foreign minister, Velislava Petrova, who was appointed to the job in early May. She is no stranger to the foreign ministry, nor to European affairs, having been deputy minister of foreign affairs in three consecutive Bulgarian governments.

We begin by asking her about the government’s reform programme.

“We have a majority that we haven't had in more than 20 years. We have a clear mandate from people to deliver on what they expect as the next phase of our European integration,” Petrova states. “We joined first the EU, then Schengen, then the Eurozone as well. People have given us a mandate to fight corruption, to establish the rule of law, and to have transparent working institutions. When it comes to the Recovery Fund, we actually managed to unblock the fourth installment of the RF (from the EU), exactly because the reforms in the judiciary were implemented extremely quickly. We were less than four weeks in government and all the legislation was pushed through. So this promise of judicial reform is already underway.”

We point out the dark cloud hanging over this pro-European path – The EU Commission recommending the opening of an excessive deficit procedure against Bulgaria, less than 6 months after the country joined the single currency!

“The previous governments acted mainly on populism rather than on true measures that were needed to maintain a healthy budget, and we'll have to pay the price,” Petrova remarks. “For us it’s a very difficult path ahead. We don't shy away from it, and we know that we'll have to set very clear reforms and clear steps forward.”

Prime Minister Rumen Radev – seen by some pro-EU forces as being too sympathetic to Russia – has called for the EU to be pragmatic when it comes to talking to the Kremlin. Is this a significant shift?

“All we are calling for is for effective use of all three pillars; military support (to Ukraine), economic sanctions and diplomacy. The third one has been missing,” Petrova replies. “It does not show a very strong image when we are not able to speak between ourselves. We should focus on the question of under what terms do we sit at the table, what are the non-negotiables for us and for Ukraine, and how do we conduct those negotiations, and with what end result? We need to have those discussions internally. It's been a bit too long that we haven't held them. I am happy to see that more and more leaders recognise the importance of this. But we need to be strong and united in the way we sit at the table. And we have to be clear that we shouldn't miss an opportunity.”

When it comes to Bulgaria’s neighbourhood and EU enlargement, Petrova points out that “during our 2018 EU presidency, we were the country that put enlargement back on the agenda. So we absolutely believe that it should be a topic of high priority.” She elaborates; “It's important that enlargement does not create a sense of scepticism in some current (EU) members. Trust requires the sense that institutions are working in (candidate) countries. I think that the fundamentals: transparency, the rule of law, working institutions – these are the areas that are non-negotiables. So the merit-based approach needs to be the core that we cannot really step away from.”

Programme prepared by Aline Bottin, Oihana Almandoz and Perrine Desplats

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Perrine Desplats, Aline Bottin and Isabelle Romero

Whether you are working in a small business or in an industrial giant, whether you are a student, a musician or an author – the anxiety is real. As Nobel prize-winning economist Philippe Aghion puts it: “AI means new ideas and new activities, but it may be that job destruction will occur before job creation. Countries need to adapt.”

Our report covers half a dozen EU countries to find out how they are preparing, from grassroots education and upskilling efforts in rural Ireland, to the manufacturing sector, which sees AI and robotics as key to improving productivity and helping offset a shrinking workforce. 

We also look at global competition: How does Europe plan to catch up with leaders in the United States and China when it comes to AI infrastructure? We visit one of the EU’s first “AI factories” in Luxembourg and take a look at the Meluxina supercomputer, which provides European startups with processing power for their AI models. Indeed, the question of digital and AI sovereignty has become key given that so much AI infrastructure is based in the US, meaning many European organisations are rethinking their dependence on Silicon Valley.

And just as important for the EU: The creative sector, where European artists remain influential figures worldwide. For many musicians, AI can be both a tool and a threat to their creativity as AI-generated music has begun to capture revenues on streaming services. Electronic music pioneer Jean-Michel Jarre tells FRANCE 24; “What differentiates chaos from democracy is, of course, the rules. We creative artists deserve our share, and we should be considered as real partners at the table.”

While AI is set to transform the economy, many in Europe still remain wary, believing in the need for safeguards. While two-thirds of Europeans say AI can improve workplace productivity,  84 percent insist that it requires careful management. Balancing that fine line between innovation and regulation will be crucial for the EU.

Report by Luke Brown and Renaud Lefort.

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz.

According to Eurostat, the European population is expected to shrink by 11.7 percent, or 53 million people, by 2100. A key issue is the fertility rate, which has dropped to around 1.3 births per woman. That is below replacement level. Our guests debate what the EU's priorities should be to prevent the continent from walking off a demographic cliff.

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats, Aline Bottin and Oihana Almandoz

Minzatu is a Romanian social democrat, a former minister for European funds in the Romanian government and a former MEP. She recently presented an anti-poverty strategy aimed at dealing with the fact that one in five Europeans – or 93 million people – are at risk of poverty or social exclusion.

"I want to send a signal of optimism with this strategy. I don't want to paint a bleak picture," Minzatu tells the programme. "But the reality is that the numbers (of people at risk of poverty) are dynamic. The cost of living is rising, the energy shocks crisis, the invasion of Ukraine, and now the Middle East crisis. There are a number of shocks that could modify these numbers. And then this strategy sets the path forward and sets out a kind of shield."

Read moreIran war squeezes Europe’s economy as growth slumps, prices surge

But isn't Minzatu limited by the fact that it's up to EU member states to decide on their own anti-poverty measures?

"I meet prime ministers and ministers of finance, not just ministers of labour and education," she responds. "They're not easy conversations. Of course, many times the temptation is to say, 'but, you know, we need to invest more in security. We need to invest more in technology.' But I always bring into the discussion the essential role of people, and the quality of their jobs."

Minzatu insists on the link between quality jobs and competitiveness, pointing to the proposed Quality Jobs Act that will focus on labour relations, high-risk or precarious sectors, and health and safety in the workplace. "Quality jobs are a key ingredient of being more competitive and stronger economically," she says. "Our proposal for a Quality Jobs Act is now in consultation, so both trade unions and employers are giving us their input. Trade unions want more legislation, more binding rules. Employers want more guidance."

The Quality Jobs Act would work hand in hand with the Union of Skills, and with the Skills Portability Initiative, "which will make use of everything we can: legislation, digital tools, AI tools to create much more equivalence and trust in qualifications, degrees and diplomas between member states, so that people can travel freely with their knowledge, with their education."

Minzatu admits that all this will be a challenge amid declining performance in maths and science among young Europeans. "Looking at the statistics, the pandemic was the turning point where numbers started to deteriorate a bit more," she notes. "That has to do with how education was offered; the online teaching. But then we see numerous other transformations, including the impact of artificial intelligence, of technology, of social networks."

We ask Minzatu about the collapse of the pro-EU government in her home country, Romania, following a no-confidence vote in the parliament.

"Romanians are highly pro-European, and the dream of many generations has been to be part of Europe. This dream does not disappear easily," she remarks. "But people will of course judge politicians from the perspective of their everyday lives. So we need to be able to address their concerns about their cost of living, their concerns about the taxes that they pay, and so on. The reactions (of Romanians) are very concretely anchored into that."

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats, Aline Bottin and Oihana Almandoz.

We discuss the current virus threats, including Ebola, and ask what lessons the EU has learned from the Covid pandemic – and what it hasn't learned.  

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Aline Bottin 

O'Brien says Ireland, like most EU states, hasn't really had an issue with fossil fuel supply despite the weeks-long closure of the Strait of Hormuz, instead pointing to the rising cost of fossil fuels as the EU's main challenge. "In Ireland, our reserves are robust. We have no issue with supply at the moment, but I think for us in Ireland, like our EU colleagues, the issue is price." 

Faced with nationwide protests over surging fuel prices, the Irish government has tried to respond by implementing concrete measures, including direct subsidies for low-income families. But O'Brien warns this can only be a short-term fix. "The longer this crisis goes on, no government is going to be able to deal with every single price increase. That's why it's imperative that the current situation is resolved."

Watch moreEU unveils plan to tackle energy crisis

For him, the closure of Strait of Hormuz represents the EU's "second big wake-up call," after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, laying bare how vulnerable the bloc still is to foreign disruptions. According to the European Commission, the EU has spent an extra €24 billion on energy imports since the start of the Iran war. And data from the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis shows the bloc's imports of Russian liquefied natural gas are up 16 percent in the first quarter of 2026, reaching a record high since the start of the war in Ukraine.

O'Brien admits increasing fossil fuel imports from Russia is "not the way forward" but believes the EU has learned its lesson when it comes to its dependency on imported fossil fuels. He points to efforts on renewables and electrification at the national and EU levels, but argues more needs to be done to accelerate the process. 

Even if the Strait of Hormuz reopened tomorrow, O'Brien believes the EU must prepare for when, not if, the next crisis happens. "We've had Brexit, we've had the pandemic, we've had the outbreak of war in Ukraine, we've had the tariff situation with the United States, and we now have the crisis in the Middle East and the cost-of-living crisis. So we have six in less than 10 years. We need to prepare better for that, and we need to respond better."

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz

Various threats have shifted the EU mindset when it comes to security: the war in Ukraine, of course, but also US President Donald Trump's intimidation of fellow NATO members, plus the war in the Middle East.

But concrete action has been hampered by fragmented defence markets, industrial rivalries and different procurement systems. In this episode we look at what more the EU can do – and how it can inject more efficiency and common sense into what it is already doing.

Programme prepared by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero and Oihana Almandoz

US President Donald Trump has repeatedly threatened the sovereignty of two founding members of NATO, Denmark and Canada, and he has lashed out at NATO countries for refusing his calls to help reopen the Strait of Hormuz during the US and Israeli strikes on Iran. In a fresh blow to the Atlantic alliance, Trump has announced the withdrawal of 5,000 American soldiers from Germany.

Read moreA look at the US military presence in Europe as Trump seeks to withdraw troops from Germany

While France is promoting the idea of a distinct European defence capability, the strongly Atlanticist NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte refers to the notion of a European defence pillar as "a bit of an empty word". What does Perestrello think?

"You need to build a European pillar inside NATO, capable of contributing decisively to the defence of the Euro-Atlantic region," he answers. "I think that's the point. It's not an empty pillar. It's a pillar built with European capabilities and European availability to assume responsibilities inside NATO. So I would say that you need to find the European pillar inside NATO, not outside. Because when the Secretary General says that we should not dream of being able to defend the European continent without the US, what he is saying is that if we go apart, we become weaker. If we work together, we become much stronger. Together, we were able to assure peace and safety in the Euro-Atlantic region for 80 years."

Perestrello recently visited lawmakers in the US, and he insists that, despite Trump's threats against NATO, he found "strong support for the strengthening of the transatlantic bond, and strong support for the transatlantic alliance, both in the House (of Representatives) and in the Senate of the US." But Perestrello says there is also a recognition that "European countries need to do a lot more on the development of our defence capabilities".

Referring to last year's NATO summit in The Hague, where members pledged to increase their defence spending to 5 percent of GDP by 2035, Perestrello remarks: "The targets are established. Now we need to settle and evaluate how this defence spending is increasing. How it is being put into effect. And that is the major thing that needs to be discussed in Ankara (at the NATO summit in July). All the countries are assuming their responsibilities. Even Spain crossed the 2 percent (target) last year. And there's a role also for European leaders to call on the attention of the US administration that the commitments assumed are being accomplished. It's important that everybody knows that."

On NATO's support for Ukraine, Perestrello says: "Frankly, I think we are not doing enough. What we are doing allows Ukraine to resist, allows Ukraine to inflict some damage on Russia, but it's not enough to put pressure on Russia and force them to sit at the table and seriously negotiate a ceasefire and a peace process."

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Oihana Almandoz and Perrine Desplats

While the Union's renewed popularity delights its current members, they are nevertheless concerned about the possible consequences of an enlargement. 

Several voices are thus calling for countries ravaged by war, such as Ukraine, or others plagued by corruption, not to be granted access to an accelerated and incomplete procedure for geopolitical reasons. 

We discuss the issue of EU enlargement with our guests. 

You can read here the verbatim of the debate on EU Enlargement strategy that took place during the plenary session in the European Parliament on 10 March 2026.

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Isabelle Romero and Perrine Desplats

We start with the energy crisis hitting Europe as a result of the war in the Middle East. The Swedish government has stated that fuel rationing might be an option at some point. Rosencrantz says that, in Sweden, "we are putting in place measures to dampen the effects of the spikes in prices by reducing the tax on electricity, for example."

She goes on: "It is really important to help consumers and businesses now. But that shouldn't take the focus away from what we need to do in the long run (at the EU level). We need to keep our eyes on the prize, and that is to boost competitiveness in general through simplification. Through fulfilling the single market. And of course, what's going on now really shows that being dependent on fossil fuels from the Middle East or from Russia; that's a bad strategy. It's bad for climate. It's bad for the economy. And it's bad for security."

Sweden is one of the EU's most committed providers of economic and military aid to Ukraine, and we discuss the new situation following the ouster of Viktor Orban in the Hungarian election. She notes that the unblocking of the EU's €90 billion loan to Ukraine "was, of course, an important step. So I'm very glad about the new position from Hungary on this. It's a crucial step, but it's not enough. Sweden has a two-point plan, which is quite simple: more support to Ukraine and more pressure on Russia."

On Ukraine's prospects for joining the EU, Rosencrantz says: "Ukraine belongs in the European family. But we say also from the Swedish point of view that it's a merit-based approach. Any candidate country has to do the reforms. But we from the EU, we shouldn't be the ones blocking. It should be about the reform pace in Ukraine. And they're doing a lot of reforms. We should be able to open up negotiations and start the process. And here I'm hoping, of course, that Hungary will follow this line as well."

We turn to the Swedish "tech boom", one of Rosencrantz's main areas of interest.

"I'm very proud of the Swedish tech scene," she says. "We are ranked number one in innovation in the EU. Number two in the world, actually. In Sweden, it's described as a hobby to invest in stocks and funds. I also think we from Sweden could export our model to the rest of Europe when it comes to capital markets. But of course we also need simplification, we need to reduce bureaucracy, which is something we're all talking about in Europe. But we need to go from just words to concrete action. We're doing it with all these different omnibus packages, but we need more of those. And the Swedish government has been quite active in, for example, the digital omnibus on artificial intelligence, which is important for creating really good conditions for entrepreneurs and tech companies to scale up, but also to stay in Europe."

Programme prepared by Agnès Le Cossec, Oihana Almandoz, Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Aline Bottin 

The end of 16 years of power for Viktor Orban in Hungary may signal the end of an era of veto-wielding from Budapest, but how much of an ally will his successor be? Peter Magyar met with Commission President Ursula von der Leyen this week, with the objective of laying out a framework of reforms that will ensure Hungary can receive billions of frozen EU funds – funds that were suspended over rule-of-law issues under the previous government.

Further to the east, Bulgarian voters went to the polls for the eighth time in five years and, perhaps fed up with the instability, voted massively in favour of the former president and former fighter pilot Rumen Radev. He's known for his Eurosceptic views and positions more closely aligned with Russia on topics such as Ukraine than may suit European institutions.

Those two results shake up the political kaleidoscope in Europe – and may shake up the plans of other populist politicians in the EU, such as Slovakia's Prime Minister Robert Fico. Indeed, one conclusion from the EU's freezing of funds to Hungary could be that Brussels is able to leverage those funds to punish governments it considers aren't playing by its rules. We ask if that's really the EU's role.

To discuss these issues, we're joined by Katarina Roth Nevedalova, a non-attached MEP from Slovakia from the party of Prime Minister Robert Fico; by Kristian Vigenin, S&D MEP from Bulgaria and former Bulgarian foreign minister; and by Daniel Freund, a Green MEP from Germany, who co-chairs the Anti-Corruption Intergroup in the European Parliament.

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Aline Bottin 

Breton is a former minister for the economy, finance and industry in France, and a prominent commentator on political and economic matters.

He says he "strongly believes" that an agreement will be found between the US and Iran, and that this will be in Europe's interest "especially because of what we see in terms of gasoline prices".

"I say that it is totally unfair that EU member states are making money on the increase in energy prices, as most of them have a value-added tax (VAT) on that," Breton says, pointing out that the increase in prices "is artificial".

He goes on: "They (member states) have to give back the additional money that they make, and especially for those who need the most support and help. We can think about farmers, we can think about truck drivers, we can think about anyone who is directly impacted."

Asked about Peter Magyar's stunning victory in the Hungarian election – and the ouster of Viktor Orban – Breton emphasises Magyar's commitment to restoring the rule of law in Hungary.

"The rule of law was a big, big, issue," Breton remarks. "The former administration under Viktor Orban did not respect the rule of law. So the good news is that Peter Magyar is willing to change this. For us, what is important is that all member states follow our rule of law, because this is what makes us stronger together, and it is definitely the core of our project."

On the travel ban issued against him by the US authorities, Breton says: "What I understand is that I have, unfortunately, been banned or designated as the mastermind behind the Digital Services Act. You know, I just did my job. What I did was not against anyone. It's not against China, it's not against Singapore, it's not against the US. This is the same for everyone. By the way, the digital act has been voted at 90 percent by our MEPs. It has been voted by 27 countries. This is not about Thierry Breton. This is about Europe. So I understand that behind my case it's Europe, of course, which is being targeted. And I really hope that we will come back to normality because there is a huge misunderstanding about what we have done together in our own European digital space."

This edition of Talking Europe also features a report from FRANCE 24's Clovis Casali on the aftermath of the momentous parliamentary election in Hungary.

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Aline Bottin, Isabelle Romero and Perrine Desplats

Find out more on the procedure of the protection of groundwater against pollution and environmental quality standars in the field of water policy here.

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Oihana Almandoz